Elections during the II Spanish Republic (1931-1939)

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A symbol of the II Republic in Spain. Source:artehistoria.com

Today’s entry is dedicated to the different electoral processes that took place in Spain during the Republic. I’m going to speak (amongst other things) about the democratic elections that took place in Spain in 1931, 1933 and 1936, women’s suffrage in 1931 (earlier than other European countries), although they couldn’t cast a vote until the elections that took place two years later (men’s suffrage existed in Spain since 1890 but it was a very corrupt electoral system), political parties and coalitions, and, about the valid electoral law between 1931 and 1939. After the victory of Franco’s army in the civil war and during the dictatorship, there were no democratic elections in Spain until 1977, when democracy returned to Spain.

By means of a brief introduction, I’ll first talk about the electoral system which was in use in Spain up to the point of the proclamation of the Republic in April 1931. This was the electoral system from the period of the restoration of the House of Borbon in 1876, and, amongst other things, it was characterised by corruption and large-scale electoral misconduct (more in towns than in cities). This corrupt practice originated in the Ministerio de Gobernación (Home Office) which prior to elections would pre-decide how many Members of Parliament each of the dynastic parties (conservative and liberal) would win. In order to ensure that their orders would be fulfilled, regional supporters of these parties, with the help of large agricultural landowners, whether through bribes, verbal or physical threats (beating up rival politicians) or falsifying the voting census (it was normal to find elections where the deceased had voted), ensured that the orders which came from Madrid were fulfilled. This highly corrupt system was detrimental to, above all, the socialists, republicans and Basque and Catalan nationalists. Due to all this, it is thought that real voter participation was between 15-20%, and the rest was fraudulent. In 1907, the electoral law was reformed, although corruption and falsification of electoral records (mainly carried out by large landowners) were still a huge problem.

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The first republican government. Source: Julio Gil Pecharromán/Historia16

Returning to the topic at hand, I’ll start by talking about the local elections held on 12th April 1931. Seen by the Spanish society of that period as a plebiscite, the results of these elections determined the future of the monarchy of Alfonso XIII. Despite the large landowners, the monarchical candidates won by only a slight majority. They won 40,324 seats against the 36,282 seats of the socialist-republican opposition. The results for the other parties were as follows: 3219 for ERC, 1014 for Lliga, 267 for PNV and 67 for PCE (numbers cited by Javier Tusell). In the cities, where the influence of the landowners was not as strong and, therefore, opportunities to commit electoral fraud were fewer, the victory of the republicans was unquestionable. Republican candidates won in 41 out of 50 regional capitals. In cities like Linares (Jaén), candidates in favour of a republic doubled the monarchists in number of votes, in Madrid they won triple the votes and in Barcelona they quadrupled them. Faced with this situation, Alfonso XIII abdicated and Admiral Aznar and his ministers accepted defeat and resigned. Only De la Cierva wanted to turn to weapons to impede the proclamation of the coming Republic. In a festive atmosphere in many streets throughout Spain, a provisional Republican government was formed, led by the conservative Niceto Alcalá-Zamora.

One of the first things that the provisional government of the Republic did was to call for elections to be held on 28th June 1931. As there wasn’t time to create a new electoral law (this was eventually done on 27th July 1933), the new elections were held under the effects of the 1907 electoral law, although it is true that some aspects of that law were modified to avoid possible corruption derived from the influence of the landowners (through the decree of 8th May that same year) and favoured agreement and electoral coalitions. For example, although women were not yet able to vote (they did so for the first time in 1933 and they were granted the right to vote in December 1931) they could be candidates, the voting age was reduced from 25 to 23 years old, it was possible to carry out first and second rounds when the party with the most votes did not achieve at least 40% of the overall votes. This electoral system was based on the one in The United Kingdom during that period and the one that is in France today (for example: in the 1935 elections, the British conservatives won almost two-thirds of the seats with 49% of the votes thanks to this system). There was also a maximum number of candidates per ballot paper (this had not existed before) and finally, the most important change was the annulment of article 29 of the aforementioned law which stated that if there was only one candidate within an electoral region, he was automatically granted the seat and elections were not necessary. Throughout the three elections that were held during the Republic, voter participation was similar to that of countries such as The United Kingdom or Sweden, and even higher than that of Finland.

The elections held on 28th June 1931

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First government with Manuel Azaña as a PM. Source:canalsur.es

The elections held on this day were the first free elections in Spain’s history (here I’d like to add that although women were not yet able to vote, they could be candidates and the idea of female suffrage was present). There are authors who believe that the 1933 elections were the first free ones, but in my opinion it doesn’t matter. The important thing is to recognise that it was during the Republic when the first democratic elections were held in Spain. After an innovative and intense electoral campaign which lasted some 25 days, 70.13% of men on the census voted (some 6 million). The regions with the highest participation were Palencia (87’93%) Soria (87.31%), Segovia (86.71%) and Gipuzkoa (85.55%). Amongst the regions with the least participation were Málaga (47.77%), Pontevedra (52.19%), Granada Province (53.18%) and Ceuta (56.47%). The left-wing coalition headed up by several republican parties (110 Members of Parliament) and PSOE (115), won, and the anti-republican and monarchical parties (1 Member of Parliament) suffered electoral defeat. The agricultural landowner party candidates won 26 seats whereas the liberal republican right-wing party of Alcalá Zamora and Miguel Maura won 22 seats. Other parties that achieved representation were the Galician Republican Federation (Federación Republicana Gallega or FRG) which achieved 16 seats, the Basque Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista Vasco or PNV) and their Carlist and Catholic allies who also won 16 seats, ERC (Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya) which won 35, to cite just a few examples as it was a parliament with a wide variety of parties represented (more than fifteen). Communists and anarchists did not win any seats.

The number of Members of Parliament mentioned above and that will be mentioned later on in this post, are taken from the works of authors such as Javier Tusell, Julio Gil Pecharromán, Manuel Tuñón de Lara and Julián Casanova. The results were published officially shortly after. It was a parliament in which there were many intellectuals, journalists, teachers, lawyers, workers and large industrial and agricultural landowners. There was a large amount of new people and also people like Romanones and Juan March. And for the first time in Spain’s history there were 3 female Members of Parliament: Clara Campoamor, Margarita Nelken and Victoria Kent. The extreme right-wing did not win any seats. It seems that some members of the Liberal Republican Right-wing Party (Derecha Liberal Republicana or DLR, the party of Alcalá Zamora) used landowners in the region of Huelva to get votes, but these actions did not affect the electoral results of that Andalusian region. The elections were clean and it was thus recognised by the conservative, liberal and left-wing media of the period.

The elections held on 19th November 1933

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Alejandro Lerroux in a political rally. Source: historiasiglo20.org

The rupture between the socialist-republican alliance meant that elections had to be held earlier than expected in mid-November 1933. There were several novelties in these elections, from which we can highlight a new electoral law (as previously explained) and universal male and female suffrage (female suffrage was achieved thanks to the work of people like Clara Campoamor and was passed after some very intense debates in parliament, in part due to some left-wing members of parliament and many right-wing members of parliament opposing female suffrage). The social and political reality was also different. The left-wing parties did not join together in coalition, whereas the right-wing parties did. Spanish conservatives came together around people like Alejandro Lerroux (Radical Party, Partido Radical, PR) and José María Gil Robles, who had founded the Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Right-Wing Parties (CEDA) in February 1933, a party which was heavily influenced by the hypotheses of political Catholicism and which was present in rural areas. Another new aspect of these elections was that the Falange, a fascist party, was on the ballot paper, just as in some other European countries.

The November 1933 elections were won by the conservative coalition (it is important to remember that the republican electoral law favoured coalitions, which explains why PSOE won 58 seats with 1.5 million votes and the radicals who were in the coalition with CEDA won 104 with 0.8 million votes) and a fall in votes for left-wing parties which can be explained, in part, by the abstentionism of the anarchists and other trade unions such as UGT. 64.94% of the census voted in these elections (13 million people). Participation was highest in the provinces of Ciudad Real, Gipuzkoa, Palencia and Navarra, with 82.30%, 81.82%, 81.08% and 80.45%, respectively. Cádiz (35.01%), Ceuta (38.35%), Melilla (41.22%) and Seville (50%) was where the least amount of people voted. There were reports of fraud in Badajoz, Córdoba and Málaga, although it was deemed that any fraud committed was unimportant and didn’t affect the results, the elections were quite clean. The electoral campaign lasted 40 days and, as in other European countries, there were acts of political violence resulting in 27 victims, though this figure could change with more in-depth investigations.

After the 1st and 2nd rounds had been held in some parts of the country, the elections gave way to a parliament in which there were up to 21 political groups with a total of 472 seats (the Senate did not exist at this time). CEDA won 115 seats (this party allied with anyone with the objective of winning representation), the radicals won 104, PSOE 58, the agricultural landowner parties won 36, Lliga Catalana won 24, the traditionalist parties won 21, ERC 18, the Spanish Renovation party (Renovación Española) 16, right-wing independents 16 (amongst whom were 2 seats won by Falange), PNV 12, liberal-democrats 10 and PCE 1. The rest were shared amongst social independents, federals, etc. Alejandro Lerroux headed up the government with the aim of limiting the political, social and economic reforms of the previous government. However, pressure from Gil, who wanted to head up the government and stop the reforms entirely and instate a corporative State governance model like in Italy under Mussolini and Portugal under Salazar, caused instability during this period. In his ideology, he didn’t hesitate to harshly criticise the more moderate conservative members of parliament, who he had previously supported, and force them to resign. He managed to become the Minister for War (now known as the Ministry of Defence) briefly, but between November 1933 and February 1936 there were 12 different governments (with an average duration of 3 months) and 5 different Prime Ministers.

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Spanish women voting in 1933. Source: mujeresenred.net

The elections held on 16th February 1936

Colas para votar en Badajoz en las elecciones de 1936. Fernando Garrorena Arcas. eldiario.es

People voting in Badajoz (SW Spain) in 1936. Source: Fernando Garrorena Arcas y eldiario.es

The conservative coalition which was then in power had lost a lot of support by the time of the 1936 elections due to a number of reasons. On the one hand, Lerroux’s radicals were divided and discredited due to their infighting and the cases of corruption for irregular financing and bribes like Tayà – Nombela and Strauss – Perle, which affected well-known members of the party (even Lerroux’s own adopted son). On the other hand, Gil Robles was not trusted, as it was suspected that he had sounded out military officials to stage a coup d’état to avoid losing power (which he did in December 1935). As such, the right-wing parties were divided, although they reached electoral agreements in some regions with liberals, centre parties and nationalists. Manuel Portela Valladares, in agreement with Alcalá Zamora, dissolved parliament and called for elections the following month. At the same time, the left-wing parties were reorganising themselves in order to reedit the coalition that had won the elections five years previously. Upon the initiative of Manuel Azaña (Republican Left, Izquierda Republicana, IR), Indalecio Prieto (PSOE) and Diego Martínez Barrio (Republican unión, Unión Republicana, UR) an agreement was made (to which some opposed, such as Largo Caballero) on 15th January 1936. This alliance included socialists, left-wing republicans, communists (who were always at the very bottom of the ballot papers) and the Trade Union Party (Partido Sindicalista) of Ángel Pestaña (who had been thrown out of CNT and gone on to form his own party). This alliance, which was called Frente Popular (Popular Front) was not limited to Spain, and was also seen in other European countries such as France.

On this occasion, the electoral law granted victory to the left-wing party alliance in elections in which 72.90% of the census voted. The places with the highest voter participation were Seville (97.40%), Málaga region (93.40%), Valencia city (86.80%) and Zaragoza city (85.70%). The lowest voter participation was in Málaga city, Tenerife, Ceuta and Pontevedra, with 55%, 56.90%, 57.90% and 58.60%, respectively. As in previous elections, there were also allegations of fraud (Galicia, Cáceres), but these were deemed to not have influenced the result. In his diaries, Alcalá Zamora himself recognised that the elections were quite clean. This time the electoral campaign lasted 47 days and sadly there were 28 victims (it’s possible that this figure could also change, given that some of these victims were of socio-labour conflicts and not political conflicts). Despite these events, there were no serious incidents on voting day, besides verbal abuse.

After the 1st and 2nd rounds had been held in some voting areas in the country between February and May, the elections led to the new parliament. From a total of 473 seats, Frente Popular won 263 of them. PSOE won 99, CEDA won 88, Izquierda Republicana (Azaña’s party) won 87, UR won 38, ERC and their allies won 37, PCE won 17, Lliga Catalana won 12, the agricultural landowners won 11, PNV won 10, another 10 were won by traditionalist parties, Lerroux’s party deflated and won just 5 (he didn’t even win his own seat). The remaining seats were shared between other right-wing and left-wing republican parties. Falange got barely 46,000 votes, barely 0.5% of the total votes. The results which granted Frente Popular victory began to be known in the evening of that same day and were confirmed on 20th. As with the previous elections, the results were published officially by the various Electoral Councils, the various BOPs (Official Regional Bulletin/Boletín Oficial de la Provincia) and by the regional and national press of the period. Whilst this was coming to light, Portela Valladares resigned and Alcalá Zamora named Azaña as the new Prime Minister. Faced with the fear of a left-wing triumph, it seems that both Gil Robles and some military officials (Franco, Fanjul, Varela and Goded), each in their own way, played with the idea of staging a coup d’état, something which was outright rejected by Portela Valladares himself and by the heads of the Guardia Civil (Pozas) and the Police (Núñez de Prado). There were only republican party ministers in the government (there were no socialists) as that was what had been signed in the January agreement.

The elections in February 1936 were the last free and democratic elections until June 1977, when Spain became democratic again. The dictatorship forbade political parties and the holding of elections. During this time, action was taken to justify the coup d’état of 18th July. Research has shown that there was a plan to stage a coup long before the date if happened. For example: participants in the coup contacted Italian fascists months prior. Franco and Serrano Súñer even created a committee which sought to criminalise the republican democratic experience and in this way, sweeten the roll of the dictatorship, all with the aim of justifying the coup and the later repression. During the 36 years that this dictatorship lasted, nobody was allowed to criticise them (at least in Spain). With the return of democracy, and in my personal opinion, I believe there are several authors who have continued this trend (the consequence of a not so exemplary transition). However, there is general consensus, which includes the views of a wide range of historians such as the recently deceased Hugh Thomas and others such as José Luis Martín Ramos, Julián Casanova, Francisco Espinosa Maestre, Edward MalefakisAbella, Julio ArósteguiJavier Tusell, Ángel Luis López Villaverde, Paul Preston, Josep Fontana, Ian Gibson, Edward Hallett CarrJuan Pablo Fusi, Carlos Seco Serrano, Santos JuliáTuñón de LaraÁngel Viñas and so on, that even though there were some irregularities (something which has been known for a long time), these were not large-scale enough to change the results of the elections and all claim the electoral victory of the left-wing parties was clean. One thing must be recognised: the first democratic elections held in Spain took place during the Second Spanish Republic.

Original blog post in Spanish: https://blogdehistoriaderafa.wordpress.com/2017/06/18/las-elecciones-durante-la-ii-republica-espanola-1931-1939-elections-during-the-ii-spanish-republic-1931-1939/

Translated by: Teacher Nicola

Un grupo de trabajadores celebra el triunfo del Frente Popular en las elecciones de 1936. EFE elpais

Some workers celebrating the victory of their candidates in 1936 elections in Spain. Source: EFE y elpais.com

Bibliography:

-Javier Tusell “Las elecciones del Frente Popular en España” (2 vols) Cuadernos para el diálogo, Madrid 1971

–                      “Las elecciones del Frente Popular “ H16 (págs. 39-49), núm 10, 1977

–                      “La experiencia democrática republicana (1931-1939)”

-Javier Tusell y otros “Las Constituyentes de 1931” Revista de Derecho Político, núm 12, invierno 1981-1982

-Eduardo González Calleja “La violencia política y la democracia republicana” Historia Nova, núm 1, 1998-2000

-Julián Casanova & Carlos Gil Andrés “Historia de España en el siglo XX” Ariel, Barcelona 2009

-Paul Preston y Josep Fontana, en Ángel Viñas (ed.) “En el combate por la Historia” Pasado y Presente, Barcelona 2012

-Julio Gil Pecharromán “La II República” Historia16/Temas de Hoy, Madrid 1996

-Manuel Tuñón de Lara “La II República” Cuadernos de Historia16, núm 1, Madrid 1995

-Eduardo Ros “Las elecciones del Frente Popular” Universitat de València/CSIC (2015)

-Carmen Ortega “Participación y abstención electoral” UGR, Granada 2005

-Newspaper articles and websites: Wikipedia, Julián Casanova y Rafael Arias Salgado (elpais.com), Ángel Luis López Villaverde y Ricardo Robledo (ctxt.es), José Luis Martín Ramos (espai-marx.net y publico.es), Francisco Espinosa Maestro y Carlos Hernández (eldiario.es), Javier Dale (lavanguardia.com), Eduardo Montagut (nuevatribuna.es), congreso.es, Euskadi.eus, Vicenç Navarro (vnavarro.org)

Francisco Boix es enterrado con honores en París/ Francisco Boix is buried with honour in Paris.

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Una imagen del entierro de Francisco Boix en París el pasado mes de junio. Fuente: eldiario.es

 

Francisco Boix, the Spanish Republican photographer who survived Mauthausen and declared in Nuremberg against Nazi crimes, was finally buried with honour in Père Lachaise cemetery (Paris).

Con bastante retraso, pero me gustaría decir que a mediados de junio se hizo por fin justicia con el barcelonés Francisco Boix (1920 – 1951), el fotógrafo republicano español que estuvo preso en Mathausen (Boix era comunista). Su labor fue muy importante, ya que formó parte de una red de presos republicanos españoles que estaban en ese campo que pudo sacar unos negativos con los que se demostraba las atrocidades cometidas por los nazis durante la II Guerra Mundial. Como testigo, Francesc Boix testificó en los Juicios de Nuremberg. Fue el único español que estuvo presente en dichos juicios a la cúpula del nazismo por sus crímenes contra la humanidad, aunque como dije en su día, tuvo que declarar con pasaporte suizo porque la dictadura de Franco le retiró la nacionalidad española.

Tras los juicios de Nuremberg, Boix se ganó entonces la vida como fotógrafo hasta su temprana muerte en 1951, debido a las secuelas que padeció tras todo el tiempo que pasó prisionero en Mathausen. Fue enterrado discretamente en el cementerio de Thiais y el lugar de su enterramiento cayó en el olvido.

Sin embargo, desde hace unos años, diversas asociaciones (de Memoria Histórica, de supervivientes de los campos de concentración y exterminio alemanes), así como el gobierno francés y algunos organismo autonómicos (como la Generalitat de Catalunya) empezaron a moverse para darle a Boix una tumba más acorde a la gesta que hizo, así como darle el reconocimiento que se merecía. Dicho reconocimiento llegó el pasado 16 de junio de 2017, cuando fue enterrado con todos los honores en el cementerio parisino de Père Lachaise, uno de los más conocidos de la capital francesa. Al acto acudieron entre otros la alcadesa de París Anne Hidalgo, representantes del gobierno francés, de la Generalitat catalana, así como de diversos organismos entre los que destacaban los de supervivientes de Mathausen y de otros campos. Tristemente hay que decir que el actual gobierno de nuestro país, no envió ningún representante, a pesar que encima el presidente Rajoy se encontraba de visita oficial en París por otro asunto.

Afortunadamente la figura de Boix empieza a ser de conocida en España (debe ser motivo de orgullo saber que el testimonio de un español sirvió para condenar a los jerarcas del nazismo) y poco a poco se va conociendo en general el papel de los republicanos españoles que lucharon contra el fascismo en la II Guerra Mundial. No debemos olvidar que casi 10.000 españoles y españolas pasaron por campos de concentración y exterminio nazis durante la II Guerra Mundial, especialmente en Mauthasen y Ravensbruck, la mayoría de ellos murieron allí y su historia no fue conocida, ya que la dictadura de Franco no les permitió volver. Ahora que España vuelve a ser una democracia hay destacar el papel de estos compatriotas nuestros que durante este conflicto lucharon por la libertad, la democracia y contra el fascismo, y darles el homenaje que se merecen.

Acompaño esta entrada con unos cuantos artículos de la prensa digital en los que se habló del entierro de Boix: http://www.eldiario.es/sociedad/Paris-entierra-honores-fotografo-Mauthausen_0_655135214.html, http://www.publico.es/politica/rajoy-no-minuto-paris-acudir-homenaje-boix-fotografo-espanol-mauthausen.html, http://www.eldiario.es/escolar/homenaje-democracia-espanola-Francesc-Boix_6_656244405.html.

Puedes leer su historia completa en la entrada (así como el documental que narra su vida) que le dediqué en su día: https://blogdehistoriaderafa.wordpress.com/2015/02/15/francisco-boix-campo-el-fotografo-de-mauthausen/

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Francesc Boix en el campo de Mauthausen. Fuente: publico.es

The political evolution of the Second Spanish Republic

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The Spanish Second Republic coat of arms.

 

Today’s post is dedicated to the political evolution of the Second Spanish Republic, from 1931 until the end of the civil war in 1939. The new regime was proclaimed after the victory of the republican candidates in the local elections (12/04/1931), specially in big cities because the corruption in the electoral system was very strong in rural Spain. The Spanish Republic was supported by some elements of left-wing parties, intellectuals, workers, the middle class and parties from the liberal right-wing. The Republic had big challenges right from the off: the economic crisis of 1929, the threat of fascism and others like the power of the national army and the Catholic church, a poor and not very productive agricultural sector, the lack of an education system or a very centralized administration. Part of the Spanish oligarchy fought against the political programme of the Government and supported a coup d’état in July 1936 and a war. This war ended three years later with the victory of the participants in the coup and the end of democracy in Spain.

The situation prior to the Second Republic can be described as follows. There was hostility towards the monarchy due to its complicity in Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship (1923-1930) and King Alfonso XIII’s attempts to return to constitutionality in 1876 under the governments of Berenguer and Aznar were unsuccessful. Meanwhile, republicanism was becoming a mass phenomenon. In order to prepare for the coming Republic, on 17th August 1930, a group of republican politicians met in San Sebastián. These were Maura and Alcalá Zamora (conservatives), Francesc Macià and Lluis Companys (ERC) and Casares Quiroga (ORGA), amongst others. The Spanish Workers’ Socialist Party (PSOE) and the General Workers’ Union (UGT) joined them after a meeting on 20th October. Towards the end of that year, an uprising was organised in Jaca by military officers Galán and Hernández, which was supposed to be supported by a general strike against the king. The failure of these two events, in addition to the execution by firing squad of the two officials, further decreased the prestige of the monarchy.

After winning the local elections, the King abdicated and went into exile. Two days later came the proclamation of the Republic and the members of the republican committee who had been imprisoned since events in Jaca, were liberated and they, in turn, formed the provisional government. Niceto Alcalá Zamora, a conservative, was named the first President of the Republic and formed a government which was made up of Alejandro Lerroux (radicals), Manuel Azaña, (left-wing republicans), Largo Caballero (PSOE), Lluís Nicolau (ERC) and Antonio Maura (right-wing liberal), amongst others. The following measures were amongst those passed by this government:

1-Updating of the census and reforms to the Electoral Law of 1907

2-Creation of a law which favoured local employment, the Town Limits Law

3-Implementation of the 8-hour working day and the minimum wage

4-Reduction of obligatory military service to one year and the number of regiments to 8.

5-Creation, by decree, of more than 7,000 public teaching positions in order to improve education.

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Niceto Alcalá Zamora, first president of the Spanish Republic.

 

Following this, elections to create a new constitution were called for and were to be held on 28th June 1931. These elections were won by a coalition between republican parties and PSOE. It was a typically reformist parliament, lacking a solid extreme right-wing element, and, for the first time in Spanish history, there were three female Members of Parliament: Clara Campoamor (who was fundamental in the fight for female suffrage), Victoria Kent and Margarita Nelken. This period lasted until November 1933 and it was known as The Progressive Biennium.

In regards to the economy, Keynesian measures were taken to enhance production, employment and consumption. Laws were created such as the Contracts Law, which allowed the government to mediate in workplace conflicts and the Agricultural Reform Law which, amongst other things, obliged the big landowners to work the lands which had not thus far been cultivated and which opened the door to expropriation of property and their subsequent distribution in order to create a rural middle class.

In regards to education, at the same time as passing a decree for the creation of 10,000 schools throughout the country, a 1933 law stated that religious orders could not teach classes in schools.

In regards to the military, the macrocephaly of the army was reduced (there were too many officers) and so was the number of regiments. Military justice was eradicated and soldiers who wanted to become officers were required to have completed at least one year of university education. Also, the Zaragoza academy was closed and colonies were de-militarised.

More ambitious reforms were achieved in the legal administration arena. On the one hand, a parliamentary commission, presided by Luis Jiménez de Asúa, was created whose duty it would be to form a new constitution. This was created on 9th December 1931 and it contained 125 articles, from which the following points can be highlighted:

1-Recognition of individual and political rights

2-Reduction in voting age from 25 to 23 years old and recognition of universal suffrage for both men and women

3-Proclamation of the separation of Church and State and of not financing the clergy

4-A single-chamber parliament. The executive functions were made up of a Prime Minister and a President of the Republic

5-The passing of a law on civil marriages and divorce

6-Political and administrative decentralisation (autonomous regions)

In relation to this last point, and to delve a little deeper, in Catalonia the statute of autonomy was passed in September 1932 (an initiative led by ERC and Estat Català). Francesc Macià was their first president. In Euskadi, given the nationalist right-wing opposition and the divisions within the Basque nationalists themselves over whether to include Navarra or not, the statute was not passed until October 1936 with Josean Aguirre becoming the first President of the Basque Country government (lehendakari). In Andalucía, autonomy revolved around the figure of Blas Infante. In Córdoba in 1933 a project aimed at creating the foundations for the Statute of Autonomy of Andalucía was prepared, but which was aborted due to the coup d’etat and later the civil war and dictatorship. Similar things happened to the possible statues of Galicia (led by Irmandade Nacionalista and FRG), the Balearic Islands (led by Emili Darder), Valencia, Asturias, Aragón, and so on.

After the coalition between republicans and socialists broke, part of the right-wing opposition, which was being reorganised around the CEDA (Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Right-wing Groups), began to put pressure on Azaña’s government with the aim of destabilising it, using work conflicts and events such as that of Casas Viejas in Cádiz to undermine it and force elections (the government was accused of ordering soldiers to open fire on country people, when, in reality, the person responsible for this event was a trigger-happy captain of the Assault Troop called Rojas. This captain would go on to participate in the dictatorship’s repression in Granada). This event was later used as anti-republican propaganda during the dictatorship.

The majority of the right, which was organised at that moment around CEDA and under the leadership of Jose María Gil Robles (1898-1980), won the elections in November 1933. Alejandro Lerroux was named Prime Minister. His electoral programme revolved around cutting back the most “socialist” aspects of the previous government’s reforms (Lerroux’s own words) and undertaking a “total rectification” (Gil Robles), doing away with entire laws.

During this period known as the Conservative Biennium, Lerroux’s governments were marked by an even larger instability and brevity as those of the previous period, with governments which didn’t last more than three or four months, on average. This happened, in part, due to the continual pressure from Gil Robles for him to govern and to apply his electoral programme. His influence meant that the governments during this period rolled towards inflexible political and religious conservatism. Moderate politicians like Ricardo Samper, Manuel Marraco and Manuel Giménez Fernández (in agriculture, he attempted to apply some of the laws from the previous period) were looked down on and this meant, in the words of Edward Malefakis, “the end of serious social reform”.

By 1934, Gil Robles was opposed by many as he was friends with Mussolini and he had attended Nazi party congresses in Berlin, due to which many saw him as a threat to Spanish democracy. On the other hand, there were arguments with the left, with marginal nationalist groups and also with the President of the Republic (Alcalá Zamora) as the President refused to pardon Sanjurjo and the rest of the participants in the failed coup d’état of August 1932. And finally, there was infighting as the fascist groups were able to freely hold protests and marches without any pushback.

During all this, a revolutionary general strike was being prepared to be held on 5th October 1934 in order to put pressure on Lerroux and his government. The strike didn’t have the desired effect, it failed in parts of the country and it was especially tense in Catalonia (where Lluís Companys had proclaimed the Catalan State within the Spanish Federal Republic) and in Asturias (where there were armed clashes between miners and the security forces). The then Minister of War (the name for the present day Ministry of Defence), Diego Hidalgo ordered General Franco (amongst others) to repress people. The failure of this strike ended up with between 1,400 and 2,000 dead, almost 2,000 injured and more than 15,000 arrested. The Catalan Parliament was dissolved and its government detained. Gil Robles’ CEDA was reinforced and in May 1935 they finally managed to be represented within the government.

However, the authoritarianism enforced by the head of the CEDA (he threatened war if he was not allowed to govern), would have repercussions even within his own party. There were resignations and in addition, the government was affected by corruption, like the case of Estraperlo or of Navà-Nombela, due to which the government resigned and the then-Prime Minister Portela Valladares called for new elections for February 1936.

With the victory of several left-wing parties, in a coalition that was called Frente Popular (PSOE, Izquierda Republicana and PCE amongst others. CNT was not in the coalition but it supported it), in the elections held in February 1936 (with a high level of participation, and, for the historian Javier Tusell, they were quite free from corruption), we come to the third stage in the political evolution of the Republic in peacetime. It lasted until the coup d’état on 18th July of that same year.

The new government made Alcalá Zamora step down as President of the Republic, who was substituted by Manuel Azaña and at the same time that Santiago Casares Quiroga was named Prime Minister. This government promoted several amnesty decrees, which were directed, above all, towards those detained during the revolutionary general strike of October 1934 (amongst them the Catalan autonomous government), it restored the autonomous processes that had been set in motion and continued with the programme of reforms. The social tension of the previous period continued, with anarchists and the extreme right taking the lead (there were even shoot-outs between these two).

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Manuel Azaña, second president of the Spanish Republic.

 

With the victory of Frente Popular in the elections, the extreme right-wing parties, which had never accepted neither democracy nor the Republic, started to prepare a plan for a coup d’état to overthrow the Republic. From the end of February, General Franco himself was preparing for it. The presence of Falange (the most important Spanish fascist party), some military officers, landowners, clergy and the military and financial support of Italian fascists were also sought.

The government suspected what was going on and took some measures, like transferring military personnel they suspected of involvement (Franco, Goded, Mola) to other places, however, the government could not avoid the coup that finally took place during the afternoon of 17th July in the Spanish-controlled area of Morocco. This coup was the start of the civil war, which, caught both the government and the people involved in the uprising, who had expected victory to be quick, by surprise. The war lasted until April 1939, and although the Republic was still working, its organisms and institutions were affected by the event, thus limiting its capabilities. Manuel Azaña resigned as President of the Republic in February 1939 and was substituted by Diego Martínez Barrio (who was the president-in-exile until 1962), and Juan Negrín continued to be the Prime Minister until 1945, when he was substituted by José Giral.

For Julio Aróstegui, the civil war was the answer of the Spanish oligarchy to the reformist republican programme. In a previous blog post I wrote about how the war developed: https://blogdehistoriaderafa.wordpress.com/2014/07/27/la-guerra-civil-1936-1939/. For historians such as Julián Casanova and Carlos Gil Andrés, the Spanish Republic had difficulties solidifying from the off and had faced very important problems. Even if in the summer of 1936, social coexistence had deteriorated a lot (and there was strong objection to democracy, in favour of totalitarianism, something which was very similar to what had happened in many other European countries, except for maybe the United Kingdom), this does not justify the civil war of 1936-1939. The civil war began due to a coup d’état which weakened the ability of the government to maintain order and due to the support received from the army and security forces by this uprising. This meant that the participants in the coup did not get to power as quickly as they had thought.

Original blog post in Spanish: https://blogdehistoriaderafa.wordpress.com/2016/01/27/la-evolucion-politica-de-la-segunda-republica-espanola-the-political-evolution-of-the-second-spanish-republic/

Translated by: Teacher Nicola

Bibliography:

-Casanova, J y Gil Andrés, C. “Historia de España en el siglo XX”  Ariel Historia, Madrid 2009

-Gil Pecharroman, Julio “La II República, esperanzas y frustraciones” Cuadernos Historia16, Madrid 1996

-Aróstegui, J “La guerra civil (1936-1939): La ruptura democrática”  Cuadernos de Historia16, Madrid 1996

-Preston, P. “Esperanzas e ilusiones en un nuevo régimen” (pags 53-71) en Viñas, A (ed) “En el combate por la Historia”  Pasado y Presente, Barcelona 2012

-Preston, Paul “The Spanish Holocaust” Harper Press, London 2012

-Balfour, S. “Spain from 1931 to the Present” (pags 243-282) en Carr, R. (ed) “Spain. A History” Oxford Press, Oxford 2000

-Gil Pecharromán, J. “La II República. Esperanzas y frustraciones” Historia16, Madrid 1996

-Tuñón de Lara, M. “La Segunda República Española” Cuadernos de Historia16, Madrid 1995

– YouTube video of events in Madrid on 14th April 1931 with images from a film which used the unedited images and sound of the temporary government of The Second Republic: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1vzCNPzFuo4

-Articles by Julián Casanova (elpais.com) and Alejandro Torrús (publico.es). Photos found from a Google search and Wikipedia.

 

 

The Proclamation of The Second Republic in Spain

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A moment during the proclamation of the Second Republic in Madrid.

Today’s post is dedicated to the proclamation of the Second Republic in Spain, which happened on 14th April 1931. This took place after victory over the monarchical candidates in the local elections, which had been called precisely to measure the public’s support for the then King of Spain, Alfonso XIII. Said proclamation took place with great public euphoria, given that a lot of hope was riding on the new regime bringing the country out of its stagnation. The Spanish Republic had to confront the effects of the 1929 financial crisis, the rise of fascism and internal problems that stopped them from effectively carrying out their reforms. The period of relative peace ended in July 1936 with a coup d’état headed up by Generals Franco and Mola, amongst others.

Prior to the proclamation of the Republic, the Spanish monarchy had suffered huge loss of prestige due to the effects of the 1929 financial crisis and the fact that King Alfonso XIII had supported the dictatorship of General Primo de Rivera (1923-1930). After Primo’s resignation in January 1930, the King tried to fix the situation using the governments headed up by Berenguer and Aznar, who could not do a great deal to solve the situation that the country found itself in nor save the monarch from the aforementioned loss of prestige.

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The Spanish flag between 1931 -1939

At the same time, republicanism was becoming a mass phenomenon and the antimonarchy opposition was mobilising. Organized by the so-called revolutionary committee, republican leaders meet in San Sebastián on 17th August 1930 to get ready for the coming change in regime. Amongst others, the following people attended: Alejandro Lerroux, from the Partido Republicano Radical (Radical Republican Party), and Manuel Azaña, from the Grupo de Acción Republicana (Republican Action Group), Marcelino DomingoÁlvaro de Albornoz and Ángel Galarza from the Partido Radical-Socialista (Radical Socialist Party), Niceto Alcalá-Zamora and Miguel Maura from the liberal republican right, Manuel Carrasco Formiguera from Acció Catalana (Catalan Action), Matías Mallol Bosch from Acció Republicana de Catalunya (Republican Action in Catalunya), Jaume Aiguader from Estat Català (Catalan State) and Santiago Casares Quiroga from the Organización Republicana Gallega (Galician Republican Organization). Indalecio Prieto also attended but only in a personal capacity, given that PSOE (Spanish Worker’s Socialist Party) and UGT (General Workers’ Union) did not join the San Sebastián Agreement until 20th October 1930. The attendees agreed, amongst other measures, to organise a general strike to support the uprising of Galán and Hernández in Jaca by the middle of December that year. This initiative didn’t work and the majority of the members of the revolutionary committee were imprisoned and the two military personnel who had revolted were executed. This is believed by many to have been a mistake on the king’s part which led to an even larger loss of prestige for the monarchy.

In this environment, the government of Admiral Aznar, who substituted Berenguer who resigned at the beginning of 1931, called for local elections in order to weigh the people’s support for the monarchy. The aforementioned elections took place on Sunday 12th April, and they were deemed by both the republicans and the monarchists (in addition to the press) as a plebiscite. On the election day itself, everything went relatively calmly and voter participation was quite high. When the results started to come through, it became clear how little support the Spanish monarchy had at that moment. Even though the monarchists won in the number of town councillor seats achieved, their win, especially in rural areas, was due to electoral corruption through the influence of landowners who coerced their employees. In cities, where landowner influence was less, the republicans won irrefutably. Their candidates won 41 of the 50 regional capitals, and in the case of Madrid and Barcelona, the republicans tripled and quadrupled, respectively, the number of votes won against the monarchists.

On Monday 13th, the revolutionary committee issued a statement indicating that the elections held on the previous day had been a complete success for the republican candidates. Meanwhile, King Alfonso XIII presided over a tense cabinet meeting in which García Prieto, Bugallal and de la Cierva pressured him to use force, whilst Romanones and others understood that nothing much could be done. The defeat of the monarchists in the local elections marked the end of his reign. A little later, and under the advice of the people closest to him, the King began to prepare his exile. Former King Alfonso XIII left Spain in a ship that left from Cartagena and he would end up taking up residency in Paris and finally Rome, where he died in 1941.

On that day there was a lot of expectation throughout the country to see what would happen in the following hours. However, it wasn’t until Tuesday 14th April that the first protests began. In the town of Eibar in Guipuzcoa, the town councillor from Acción Republicana (Republican Action) Mateo Careaga, flew the republican flag from one of the town hall’s balconies at 6:30 a.m.. An hour later, Benito Pamparacuatro, the mayor of Sahagún (León) announced the new regime in that town. Throughout that day, scenes like these were seen in many towns and cities, hoards of people came together in streets and squares, hailing the Republic and singing the Anthem of Riego and La Marseillaise. In Valencia, people gathered in the streets to celebrate the new Republic. In Barcelona, Lluis Companys announced the news at approximately 13:30 in the packed Sant Jaume Square and Francesç Macià gave his famous proclamation of the Catalan State as part of an Iberian republic (thus reminding people that they had ratified the San Sebastián agreement under the auspices of a statute of autonomy for Catalonia). In Madrid, some post office employees flew the republican flag from the office in Cibeles Square. At the same time, throngs of people gathered and marched from Alcalá Street to Puerta del Sol, where the official proclamation of the new regime would take place.

The members of the revolutionary committee who were still imprisoned were released and a provisional government was created with Niceto Alcalá Zamora as the leader. Niceto gave a speech that was broadcasted by Unión Radio. Alejandro Lerroux, Manuel Azaña, Indalecio Prieto and Francisco Largo Caballero (PSOE) and Lluis Nicolau (ERC) made up this government, amongst others. Even though only a few of them had held important positions during the monarchy, many of them had a lot of political experience. Their average age was around 50 years old.

The new government got to work quickly, applying measures which aimed to transform the country socially and politically. These can be organised into several sections. Firstly, those which were aimed at women, through the granting of full rights, full equality, access to public jobs, the right to vote (thanks to the work of Clara Campoamor), maternity leave and abortion (this last one occurred in 1936, during the civil war and thanks to the work of Federica Montseny and Amparo Poch). Secondly, public education, which was considered the star project of the Republic. Up until that moment, the majority of schools were private and were controlled by the church, giving it enormous influence. Thanks to Republican decrees, more than 7,000 schools were created throughout Spain, more than in the entire reign of Alfonso XIII. Thirdly, the temporary government called for elections on 28th July (where a coalition between socialists and republicans won) and the government put lawyers such as Luis Jiménez de Asúa and Ángel Ossorio Gallardo in charge of creating the new constitution. This was approved by the government on 9th December 1931, and many individual and political rights, universal male and female suffrage, the reduction of the voting age from 25 to 23 years old, separation of Church and State, a single-chambered parliament, with the elimination of the Senate, and so on, being included within it. Finally, decrees were signed which affected work relationships, with the aim of favouring local employment, the Town Limits Law was created and the 8-hour work day and minimum wage were implemented, too. Other measures included the passing of a law on divorce and civil marriages, the updating of the census, reforms to the Electoral Law of 1907, the reduction of obligatory military service to one year, and so on.

All these measures were aimed at lifting Spain out of the situation of backwardness which it found itself in and limit the enormous influence that the church, landowners and army had traditionally had, who, from the first day, made it difficult for the Republican democracy to solidify, as they saw it as a threat to their privileges (Rafael Gil Bracero). There were priests who used the pulpit to promote anti-republican messages, such as Cardinal Pedro Segura, who had to be deported from the country due to his ultraconservative position. There were military officers who staged uprisings and large landowners who moved their money out of Spain, and, just like in other European countries at that moment, in Spain there were also extreme right-wing groups who threatened democracy. On an international level, the difficulties that the Spanish Republic encountered were caused by the boom of fascism and the financial crisis of 1929, which meant that, amongst other things, the Republican governments had financial difficulties when trying to efficiently instate their reformist programme.

Despite what was said by Franco’s dictatorship’s propaganda and their sympathisers, the Republic was not a chaotic regime nor was it proclaimed using dark political wizardry (such arguments were used to justify the coup d’état in July 1936, the civil war and the dictatorship that followed). The republican regime was Spain’s first 20th century democratic period (though the six year period of 1868-1874 should also be taken into account) and it was preceded by a huge citizen movement against the monarchy (Julián Casanova), a movement which was promoted by many parts of Spanish society at that time: intellectuals, workers, left-wing politicians, the middle class and the liberal right-wing which supported democracy. Up until the aforementioned coup d’état in July 1936, the Republic went through several stages, a reformist biennium, another during which all the reforms made in the previous period were annulled and the final months leading up to the coup; a coup which originated in the strong opposition of the Spanish oligarchy to the reformist project of The Second Republic. Let us not forget the republican democracy as an important part of Spain’s history.

Original blog post in Spanish: https://blogdehistoriaderafa.wordpress.com/2015/04/15/la-proclamacion-de-la-ii-republica-espanola/

Translated by: Teacher Nicola

Bibliography:

-Casanova, J y Gil Andrés, C. “Historia de España en el siglo XX”  Ariel Historia, Madrid 2009

-Preston, P. “Esperanzas e ilusiones en un nuevo régimen” (pgs 53-71) en Viñas, A (ed) “En el combate por la Historia”  Pasado y Presente, Barcelona 2012

-Balfour, S. “Spain from 1931 to the Present” (pgs 243-282) en Carr, R. (ed) “Spain. A History” Oxford Press,  Oxford 2000

-Gil Pecharromán, J. “La II República. Esperanzas y frustraciones” Historia16, Madrid 1996

-Tuñón de Lara, M. “La Segunda República Española” Cuadernos de Historia16, Madrid 1995

-Youtube video of events in Madrid on 14th April 1931 with images from a film which used the unedited images and sound of the temporary government of The Second Republic: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1vzCNPzFuo4

– Newspaper articles and websites: Alejandro Torrús, Ricardo Robledo, Mónica Moreno, Lidia Falcón, Jaume Clotet, Jose Luis Ledesma y Christian González (publico.es), Julián Casanova (juliancasanova.es), Antonio Maestre y Emilio Silva (eldiario.es), Julián Vadillo (diagonalperiodico.net), Rocío Muñoz (periodismohumano.com), Antonio Barragan (diariocordoba.com) Israel Viana (abc.es), Eduardo Montagut (nuevatribuna.es), lavanguardia.com, eroj.org. Photos found from a Google search and Wikipedia.

 

Las elecciones durante la II República Española (1931-1939)/ Elections during the II Spanish Republic (1931-1939)

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Una figura alegórica de la II República. Fuente: artehistoria.com

Today’s entry is dedicated to the different electoral processes that took place in our country during the Republic. I’m going to speak (among other things) about the democratic elections in Spain in 1931, 1933 and 1936, women’s suffrage in 1931 (earlier than other European countries), although they couldn’t vote until the elections that took place two years later (men’s suffrage existed in Spain since 1890 but it was a very corrupt electoral system), political parties and coalitions, and, about the valid electoral law between 1931 and 1939. After the victory of Franco’s army in the civil war and during the dictatorship, there weren’t any democratic elections in Spain until 1977, when democracy returned to our country.

La entrada de hoy está dedicada a los distintos procesos electorales que tuvieron lugar en nuestro país durante la República. Así voy a hablar (entre otras cosas) de las elecciones democráticas que hubo en España en 1931, 1933 y 1936, la obtención de las mujeres del derecho al voto en 1931 (antes que en muchos países europeos), aunque no votaron por primera vez hasta dos años después (el sufragio universal masculino existía desde 1890, aunque era un sistema electoral muy corrupto), los partidos y coaliciones políticas que se dieron, así como de la ley electoral republicana que estuvo vigente en nuestro país durante esos años. Tras el triunfo de las tropas golpistas en la guerra y la instauración de la dictadura del general Franco, en España no hubo otra vez elecciones democráticas hasta 1977, cuando retornó la democracia a nuestro país.

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Fuente: Julio Gil Pecharromán/ Historia16

A modo de breve introducción, voy a hablar primero de sistema electoral que estuvo vigente en nuestro país hasta la proclamación de la República en abril de 1931. Era el sistema electoral de la Restauración borbónica de 1876, y, entre otras cosas, estaba caracterizado por una corrupción y un falseamiento electoral a gran escala (más en los pueblos que en las ciudades). Esta práctica tan corrupta tenía su origen en el Ministerio de Gobernación, que, antes que se celebrasen las elecciones, ya decidía cuantos diputados iban a sacar los llamados partidos dinásticos (el conservador y el liberal). Para asegurarse que sus órdenes se cumplían, los partidarios provinciales de estos partidos, con ayuda de los grandes terratenientes agrícolas, bien mediante sobornos,  amenazas verbales o físicas (palizas a rivales políticos) o falseamiento del censo de votantes (no era raro encontrarse con elecciones en las que votaban personas fallecidas), se aseguraban que se cumplían las órdenes que llegaban desde Madrid. Este sistema tan corrompido perjudicó notablemente a socialistas, republicanos y nacionalistas vascos y catalanes. Debido a todo esto, se piensa que la participación real oscilaba entre el 15% – 20%, el resto era fraude. En 1907 se hizo una reforma de la ley electoral, aunque la corrupción y el falseamiento electoral (con gran protagonismo para los caciques) siguieron existiendo de manera masiva.

Empezaré hablando de las elecciones municipales del 12 de abril de 1931. Entendidas por la sociedad española de la época como un plebiscito, su resultado determinó el futuro de la de monarquía de Alfonso XIII. A pesar de los manejos caciquiles, los candidatos monárquicos ganaron por poca diferencia, consiguieron unos 40.324 concejales frente a los 36.282 de la conjunción republicano-socialista. A ellos hay que sumar 3219 de ERC, 1014 de la Lliga, 267 del PNV y 67 del PCE (cifras de Javier Tusell). En las ciudades, donde la influencia de los caciques era menor, y por tanto, las posibilidades de fraude eran menores, la victoria republicana fue incuestionable. Los candidatos republicanos ganaron en 41 de las 50 capitales de provincia españolas. En ciudades como Linares (Jaén), los candidatos a favor de la República doblaron a los monárquicos, en Madrid los triplicaron y en Barcelona los cuadriplicaron. Ante esta situación, Alfonso XIII abdicó y el almirante Aznar y sus ministros reconocieron la derrota y dimitieron. Sólo De la Cierva quiso recurrir a las armas para impedir la proclamación de una República que ya se respiraba en el ambiente. En un ambiente festivo en muchas calles de España, se creó un gobierno provisional republicano con el conservador Niceto Alcalá-Zamora al frente.

Una de las primeras cosas que hizo el gobierno provisional de la República fue convocar elecciones para el 28 de junio de 1931. Como no daba tiempo para una ley electoral nueva (para ello hubo que esperar al 27 de julio de 1933), las nuevas elecciones se convocaron bajo los efectos de la ley electoral de 1907, aunque eso sí, modificada en algunos aspectos para evitar posibles corruptelas derivadas de la influencia de los caciques (mediante un decreto del 8 de mayo de ese mismo año) y favorecer los acuerdos y coaliciones electorales. Por ejemplo, aunque las mujeres no podían votar todavía (lo hicieron por primera vez en 1933 y se concedió el derecho en diciembre de 1931) podían ser candidatas, la edad media para votar se rebajó desde los 25 a los 23 años, se admitía la posibilidad de realizar una 1ª y 2ª vuelta en caso que el partido más votado en su distrito no consiguiera el 40% de los votos. Fue un sistema electoral basado en que existía en el Reino Unido de la época o en el que hay en Francia en la actualidad (por ejemplo: En las elecciones de 1935, los conservadores británicos con este sistema consiguieron casi 2/3 de los escaños con el 49% de los votos). Había también un número máximo de candidatos por papeleta (cosa que antes no había) y finalmente, el cambio más importante fue la anulación del artículo 29 de dicha ley que decía que si en una circunscripción electoral sólo había un candidato, era elegido diputado de forma automática y no hacía falta hacer elecciones. Durante las tres elecciones que se celebraron durante la República, la participación electoral fue similar a la de países como Reino Unido o Suecia, y superior a la de Finlandia.

Las elecciones del 28 de junio 1931

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Manuel Azaña en una imagen con su primer gobierno. Fuente: canalsur.es

Las elecciones celebradas ese día fueron las primeras elecciones libres de la historia de España (aquí me gustaría comentar que si bien las mujeres no podían votar todavía, ya podían ser candidatas y estaba presente la idea del sufragio femenino). Hay autores que consideran que lo serían las de 1933, pero por mi parte no pasa nada. Lo importante es reconocer que fue durante la República cuando se celebraron las primeras elecciones democráticas en España. Tras una novedosa e intensa campaña electoral que duró unos 25 días, votaron el 70’13 % de los hombres censados (unos 6 millones). Las provincias con más participación fueron Palencia (87’93%) Soria (87’31%), Segovia (86’71%) y Gipuzkoa (85’55%). Entre las provincias con menos participación estaban Málaga (47’77%), Pontevedra (52’19%), Granada Provincia (53’18%) y Ceuta (56’47%). La coalición de izquierdas liderada por varios partidos republicanos (110 diputados) y el PSOE (115) fue la vencedora, los partidos antirrepublicanos y monárquicos (1 diputado) tuvieron un fracaso importante. Los candidatos agrarios consiguieron 26 diputados, la derecha liberal republicana de Alcalá Zamora y Miguel Maura consiguió 22. Otros partidos con representación fueron la Federación Republicana Gallega (FRG) que consiguió 16, el Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV) y sus aliados carlistas y católicos también 16, ERC (Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya) obtuvo 35, por citar unos pocos ejemplos, ya que fue un parlamento con una variada representación (más de quince partidos). Comunistas y anarquistas se quedaron fuera.

Para las cifras de diputados he utilizado, tanto para estas elecciones como las siguientes, los trabajos de autores como Javier Tusell, Julio Gil Pecharromán, Manuel Tuñón de Lara o Julián Casanova. Los resultados se publicarían de forma oficial poco después. Fue un parlamento en el que había muchos intelectuales, periodistas, profesores, abogados, obreros y grandes propietarios industriales y agrícolas. Había una gran cantidad de nuevos y también gente como Romanones o Juan March. Y por primera vez en la historia de España, había 3 mujeres: Clara Campoamor, Margarita Nelken y Victoria Kent. La extrema derecha no obtuvo representación. Parece ser que algunos miembros de Derecha Liberal Republicana (DLR, el partido de Alcalá Zamora) hicieron uso de manejos caciquiles en la provincia de Huelva para obtener votos, pero esta acción no afectó a los resultados electorales en dicha provincia andaluza. Las elecciones fueron limpias y así se reconoció, entre otros, por la prensa conservadora, liberal y de izquierdas de la época.

Las elecciones del 19 de noviembre 1933

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Alejandro Lerroux en un mitin en 1933. Fuente: historiasiglo20.org

La ruptura de la alianza republicano – socialista, hizo que las elecciones que tenían que celebrarse más adelante, se celebraran para mediados de noviembre de 1933. Esta convocatoria presentó varias novedades entre las que podemos destacar una nueva ley electoral (ya sintetizada anteriormente) y el sufragio universal masculino y femenino (este último debido a la iniciativa de personas como Clara Campoamor y que se consiguió aprobar tras unos debates muy intensos en el parlamento, en parte porque algunos diputados de la izquierda y muchos de la derecha, se oponían a concederlo). La realidad social y política también era diferente. Los partidos de izquierda no se presentaron esta vez en coalición, cosa que sí hizo la derecha. Los conservadores españoles se agruparon en torno a las figuras de Alejandro Lerroux (Partido Radical, PR) y José María Gil Robles, que había fundado la Confederación Española de las Derechas Autónomas (CEDA) en febrero de 1933,  partido muy influenciado por los postulados del catolicismo político y con presencia en el mundo rural. Como novedad, y en imitación de otros países europeos, también a estas elecciones se presentó un partido de corte fascista, Falange.

Las elecciones de noviembre de 1933 se saldaron con un triunfo para la coalición conservadora (recordemos que la ley electoral republicana favorecía las coaliciones, lo cual explicaría como el PSOE con 1’5 millones de votos obtuvo 58 diputados y los radicales que iban en coalición con la CEDA, 104 con 0’8 millones de votos) y una caída en votos para los partidos de izquierda que en parte se puede explicar con el abstencionismo anarquista y otros sindicatos como la UGT. En estas elecciones votó el 64’94% del censo (unos 13 millones de personas). Las provincias de Ciudad Real, Gipuzkoa, Palencia y Navarra fue donde más participación hubo, con un 82’30%, 81,82%, 81’08% y 80’45%, respectivamente. Cádiz (35’01%), Ceuta (38’35%), Melilla (41’22%) y Sevilla (50%) fue donde menos se votó. Hubo denuncias por fraude en Badajoz, Córdoba y Málaga, pero aunque fue comprobado éste no fue importante y no influyó en los resultados, las elecciones fueron bastante limpias. La campaña electoral duró 40 días, y, al igual que en otros países europeos se dieron actos que violencia política en los que hubo 27 víctimas, aunque la cifra puede cambiar a espera de investigaciones más definitivas.

Tras la celebración de una 1ª y 2ª vuelta en algunos puntos del país, las elecciones dieron lugar a un parlamento en el que hasta 21 grupos políticos tenían presencia de un total de 472 diputados (no existía el Senado como ahora). La CEDA consiguió 115 diputados (se alió con quien fuera con tal de obtener representación), los radicales consiguieron 104, 58 el PSOE, 36 los agrarios, 24 la Lliga Catalana, 21 los tradicionalistas, 18 ERC, 16 Renovación Española, 16 los independientes de derecha (entre ellos 2 de Falange), 12 el PNV, 10 los liberales-demócratas y 1 el PCE. El resto se repartieron entre socialistas independientes, federales, etc. Alejandro Lerroux se hizo cargo del gobierno con el objetivo de limitar las reformas políticas, sociales y económicas del anterior gobierno. Sin embargo, las presiones de Gil que quería entrar en el gobierno y frenar en seco e instaurar un modelo de Estado corporativo como la Italia de Mussolini o el Portugal de Salazar, provocaron inestabilidad en este período. En su ideario, no dudó en criticar duramente a los miembros conservadores más moderados del gobierno que él mismo apoyaba y de hacerles dimitir. Consiguió brevemente ser ministro de la Guerra (como se llamaba Defensa entonces), pero entre noviembre de 1933 y febrero de 1936 hubo 12 gobiernos diferentes (media de duración de 3 meses) y con 5 diferentes Primeros Ministros.

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Fotografía de unas mujeres votando en 1933. Fuente: mujeresenred.net

Las elecciones del 16 de febrero de 1936

Colas para votar en Badajoz en las elecciones de 1936. Fernando Garrorena Arcas. eldiario.es

Colas para votar en Badajoz en las elecciones de 1936. Fuente: Fernando Garrorena Arcas y eldiario.es

A las elecciones de este año se llegó en un momento de gran desgaste para la coalición conservadora que estaba en el poder por diversos factores. Por un lado, los radicales de Lerroux estaban muy divididos y desacreditados por sus luchas internas y los casos de corrupción de financiación irregular y sobornos como Tayà – Nombela o el de Strauss – Perle, que afectaron a miembros destacados de su partido (incluso al propio hijo adoptivo de Lerroux). Por su parte, había mucha desconfianza hacia la figura de Gil Robles, ya que se sospechaba que había sondeado a militares para que realizaran un golpe de Estado para evitar perder el poder (cosa que hizo en diciembre de 1935). Como consecuencia de ello, los partidos de derecha se presentaron divididos, aunque llegaron a acuerdos electorales en algunas provincias con liberales, centristas o nacionalistas. Manuel Portela Valladares, con el acuerdo de Alcalá Zamora, disolvió el parlamento y convocó elecciones para el mes siguiente. Al mismo tiempo, los partidos de izquierda se estaban reorganizando para reeditar la coalición que le había dado el triunfo electoral cinco años antes. A iniciativa de Manuel Azaña (Izquierda Republicana, IR), Indalecio Prieto (PSOE) y Diego Martínez Barrio (Unión Republicana, UR), se llegó a un acuerdo (al que se opusieron algunos como Largo Caballero) el 15 de enero de 1936. Esta alianza incluyó a socialistas, republicanos de izquierda, comunistas (que ocuparon siempre los últimos puestos de las papeletas) y el Partido Sindicalista de Ángel Pestaña (había sido expulsado de la CNT y fundó su propio partido). Esta alianza, que se llamó Frente Popular no fue algo exclusivo de España, se dio también en otros países europeos como Francia.

En esta ocasión la ley electoral otorgó la victoria a la alianza de partidos de izquierda en las que votó el 72’90 % del censo. Sevilla (97’40%), Málaga provincia (93’40%), Valencia ciudad (86’80%) y Zaragoza ciudad (85’70%) fueron las circunscripciones con más alta participación. Málaga ciudad, Tenerife, Ceuta y Pontevedra, donde menos hubo, con una participación del 55%, 56’90%, 57’90% y 58’60%, respectivamente. Al igual que en las elecciones anteriores también hubo denuncias por fraude (Galicia, Cáceres), pero tampoco fueron decisivas para influir en el resultado. El propio Alcalá Zamora en sus diarios reconoció que las elecciones fueron bastante limpias. En esta ocasión, la campaña electoral duró 47 días y tristemente se produjeron 28 víctimas (aquí es posible que la cifra también varíe, ya que algunas de ellas se produjeron como en 1933 en conflictos sociolaborales ajenos a la política). A pesar de estos incidentes, el día de las votaciones no hubo incidentes fuertes salvo enfrentamientos verbales y alguna que otra pelea.

Tras la celebración de una 1ª y 2ª vuelta en algunos distritos electorales del país entre febrero y mayo, las elecciones dieron lugar al siguiente parlamento. Sobre un total de 473 diputados el Frente Popular consiguió 263 diputados. El PSOE consiguió 99, 88 obtuvo la CEDA, 87 Izquierda Republicana (el partido de Azaña), 38 tuvo UR, ERC y aliados consiguieron 37, 17 el PCE, 12 la Lliga Catalana, 11 los agrarios, 10 el PNV, otros 10 los tradicionalistas, el partido de Lerroux se hundió y consiguió sólo 5 (él mismo ni siquiera salió elegido). El resto se los repartieron entre otros partidos republicanos de derecha e izquierda. Falange no llegó a los 46.000 votos, apenas el 0’5% de los votos emitidos. Los resultados que daban la victoria al Frente Popular se empezaron a saber en la tarde-noche de ese mismo día y se terminaron de confirmar el 20. Como en convocatorias anteriores, los resultados de publicaron de forma oficial por las distintas Juntas Electorales, los distintos BOP (Boletín Oficial de la Provincia) y por la prensa regional y nacional de la época. Mientras esto se sabía, Portela Valladares dimitió y Alcalá Zamora nombró a Azaña como nuevo Primer Ministro. Ante el temor del triunfo de la izquierda parece ser que tanto Gil Robles como algunos militares (Franco, Fanjul, Varela y Goded), tantearon cada uno por su lado la posibilidad de un golpe militar, cosa que rechazaron de plano el propio Portela Valladares así como los jefes de la Guardia Civil (Pozas) y de la Policía (Núñez de Prado). En el nuevo gobierno solo hubo ministros de partidos republicanos (no hubo socialistas) porque así se firmó en el acuerdo de enero.

Las elecciones de febrero de 1936 fueron las últimas que pudieron celebrarse de forma libre y democrática hasta junio de 1977, cuando se reinstauró la democracia en España. La dictadura prohibió los partidos políticos y la celebración de comicios. Durante dicho régimen, se desplegó una gran actividad destinada a justificar el golpe de Estado del 18 de julio. Las investigaciones demuestran que hubo una trama golpista desde fechas muy anteriores. Por ej: contactos de los golpistas con fascistas italianos desde meses antes. Franco y Serrano Súñer llegaron a crear una comisión que buscaba criminalizar la experiencia democrática republicana y de paso, dulcificar el papel de la dictadura, con el objetivo de justificar su golpe y la represión posterior. Durante los 36 años que duró este régimen, no dejaron que nadie les replicara (al menos en nuestro país). Con la vuelta de la democracia, y en mi opinión, creo que hay varios autores han continuado con esta tendencia (consecuencia de una transición no tan modélica). Sin embargo, existe un consenso generalizado que incluye a una amplia gama de historiadores como el recientemente fallecido Hugh Thomas y a otros José Luis Martín Ramos, Julián Casanova, Francisco Espinosa Maestre, Edward Malefakis, Rafael Abella, Julio Aróstegui, Javier Tusell, Ángel Luis López Villaverde, Paul Preston, Josep Fontana, Ian Gibson, Edward Hallett Carr, Juan Pablo Fusi, Carlos Seco Serrano, Santos Juliá, Manuel Tuñón de Lara, Ángel Viñas, etc., que demuestran que si bien hubo algunas irregularidades (algo que ya se sabía desde hace tiempo), éstas no fueron tan importantes como cambiar los resultados y admiten que la victoria electoral de la victoria de la izquierda fue de forma limpia. Hay que reconocer una cosa, las primeras elecciones democráticas que se celebraron en España, tuvieron lugar durante la II República.

Un grupo de trabajadores celebra el triunfo del Frente Popular en las elecciones de 1936. EFE elpais

Un grupo de trabajadores celebra el triunfo del Frente Popular en las elecciones de 1936. Fuente: EFE y elpais.com

Bibliografía:

-Javier Tusell “Las elecciones del Frente Popular en España” (2 vols) Cuadernos para el diálogo, Madrid 1971

–                      “Las elecciones del Frente Popular “ H16 (págs. 39-49), núm 10, 1977

–                      “La experiencia democrática republicana (1931-1939)”

-Javier Tusell y otros “Las Constituyentes de 1931” Revista de Derecho Político, núm 12, invierno 1981-1982

-Eduardo González Calleja “La violencia política y la democracia republicana” Historia Nova, núm 1, 1998-2000

-Julián Casanova & Carlos Gil Andrés “Historia de España en el siglo XX” Ariel, Barcelona 2009

-Paul Preston y Josep Fontana, en Ángel Viñas (ed.) “En el combate por la Historia” Pasado y Presente, Barcelona 2012

-Julio Gil Pecharromán “La II República” Historia16/Temas de Hoy, Madrid 1996

-Manuel Tuñón de Lara “La II República” Cuadernos de Historia16, núm 1, Madrid 1995

-Eduardo Ros “Las elecciones del Frente Popular” Universitat de València/CSIC (2015)

-Carmen Ortega “Participación y abstención electoral” UGR, Granada 2005

-Artículos de periódico y webs: Wikipedia, Julián Casanova y Rafael Arias Salgado (elpais.com), Ángel Luis López Villaverde y Ricardo Robledo (ctxt.es), José Luis Martín Ramos (espai-marx.net y publico.es), Francisco Espinosa Maestro y Carlos Hernández (eldiario.es), Javier Dale (lavanguardia.com), Eduardo Montagut (nuevatribuna.es), congreso.es, Euskadi.eus, Vicenç Navarro (vnavarro.org)

La exhumación del dictador del valle de los caídos/ The exhumation of Franco from the valley of the fallen.

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Imagen que muestra la mala conservación de algunos restos en el valle de los caídos. Fuente: cadenaser.com

In today’s post I’m going to speak about the exhumation of Franco’s remains from his tomb in the valley of the fallen, a gigantic mausoleum in the north of Madrid. I think that the remains of the dictator should be exhumed and given to his family and that the dictatorship’s propaganda must be removed. A real historic explanation is necessary because Spain now is a democracy again. In other countries where there were dictatorships (Italy, Portugal, Argentina, Chile) the remains of the dictators were removed and nothing bad happened. In addition, in that place there are the remains of 30,000 Spanish republicans who were buried there without the authorisation of their families, so those remains should be given to the families to be buried in a grave with their other relatives.

En la entrada de hoy, voy a hablar de la exhumación de los restos de Franco de su tumba en el valle de los caídos, un mausoleo gigante al norte de Madrid. Creo que los restos del dictador deben ser sacados de ahí y entregados a sus familiares. La propaganda de la dictadura que hay allí debe ser quitada, siendo necesaria una explicación verdaderamente histórica de lo que fue ese lugar, ya que España es ahora otra vez una democracia. En otros países que también han tenido dictaduras (Italia, Portugal, Argentina, Chile) se han sacado los restos de esos dictadores y no ha pasado nada. Además, en ese lugar están los restos de 30.000 republicanos españoles que fueron enterrados allí sin permiso de sus familias, por lo que esos restos también deber ser sacados de allí y entregados a ellos para que los entierren en una tumba con otros miembros de dichas familias.

Restos cadavéricos en el Valle de los Caídos. cadena ser

Otra imagen que muestra el lamentable estado de algunas de las víctimas republicanas en el mausoleo del valle de los caídos. Fuente: cadenaser.com

El pasado jueves, el Congreso de los Diputados español votó a favor y por una inmensa mayoría (PP y ERC se abstuvieron) de exhumar los restos del dictador del valle de los caídos y trasladarlos a otro sitio. Aunque se trata de una Proposición No de Ley que no tiene carácter vinculante, creo que es una buena noticia. Más adelante voy a dar mis motivos, pero por ahora, voy a dar una breve síntesis histórica sobre ese lugar y ponernos en contexto.

A principios de abril de 1940 en Madrid, y tras un desfile militar para celebrar el primer aniversario de su triunfo en la guerra, el dictador Francisco Franco expuso su idea de hacerse construir un gran mausoleo. Fue en un acto en el que se encontraban los embajadores de Italia y Alemania, la cúpula del ejército que había dado el golpe contra la República Española, así como los principales cargos de Falange y otros miembros destacados de la oligarquía de la dictadura.

Las obras empezarían poco tiempo después en un paraje llamado Cuelgamuros, en plena sierra de Madrid y duraron hasta 1958. En dicho lugar, que tuvo consideración como campo de concentración, realizaron trabajos forzados más de 20.000 presos políticos. Se produjeron muertes debido a las malas condiciones de trabajo y a la penosa alimentación de quienes estaban condenados a estar allí. Las fugas fueron raras pero las hubo, como la del historiador Sánchez Albornoz en 1948. El dictador entre otras cosas, consideraba el lugar como un elemento esencial de propaganda de su régimen, y para ello se tanteó a familias de simpatizantes para que enterrasen los restos de sus fallecidos en dicho sitio. Sin embargo, muchos de ellos se negaron (como fue el caso de aquellos que fueron represaliados en Paracuellos), por lo que, decidieron exhumar a víctimas republicanas que estaban en cementerios y fosas comunes y trasladarlas allí. Sobra decir que la exhumación de estos republicanos españoles se hizo sin pedir permiso ninguno a sus familias, lo que les supuso una desagradable sorpresa al cabo de los años, ya que no sabían que habían sido llevados hasta allí, como ha sido el caso de los Lapeña (asesorados por el abogado Eduardo Ranz), los Pinyol o los Gil. Se cree que hay cerca de 30.000 personas enterradas allí, la mayoría sin autorización de sus familiares.

Tras el retorno de la democracia a España, tanto el valle de los caídos como la Memoria Histórica permanecieron en un segundo plano y ninguno de los gobiernos quiso tratar ambos temas. Hubo que esperar al cambio de milenio para que surgiera un debate en la sociedad española sobre qué hacer con los restos del dictador o con el lugar en sí mismo. Importante ha sido ver qué han hecho otros países con los dictadores que han tenido a lo largo de su historia, de todos ellos, de todos los que son actualmente democracias (Alemania, Italia, Portugal, Chile, Argentina, etc.) no hay ninguno que mantenga una tumba como la que hay al norte de la ciudad de Madrid, absolutamente ninguno. Tan sólo Corea del Norte mantiene un mausoleo gigantesco en honor a quien fundó su Estado.

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Una imagen durante la construcción del valle de los caídos. Fuente: eldiario.es

Mi opinión sobre lo que se debería hacer, va en relación con lo que han expresado hasta el día de hoy la mayor parte de historiadores tanto españoles como europeos que han investigado nuestra historia más reciente.

En primer lugar, hay que sacar los restos de Franco y Primo de Ribera del valle de los caídos y entregárselos a sus familias, para que los sepulten en las tumbas familiares (tal y como ha pasado por ejemplo, en algunos de los países que he mencionado más arriba, y no ha pasado nada).

En segundo lugar, hay que eliminar los aspectos propagandísticos de la dictadura con los que se construyó este mausoleo. La dictadura de Franco fue un régimen en el que se violaban los derechos humanos de forma continuada, cosa que hay que explicar en caso que este mausoleo se mantenga abierto al público (también evitar el blanqueamiento o la dulcificación de lo que fue dicho régimen, para lo cual hay que explicar la historia mejor de lo que se ha hecho tradicionalmente).

En tercer lugar hay que desacralizar dicha tumba. No hay que olvidar que la cúpula de la Iglesia católica fue partidaria de Franco y uno de los pilares de su régimen (no se entiende la negativa de los monjes que viven allí a la exhumación de los restos de las víctimas del franquismo).

En cuarto lugar hay que evaluar su valor artístico, aunque, si nos atenemos a los criterios de Fernando Castro Flórez, el valle de los caídos, si bien por su estilo se le relaciona con el de los fascismos europeos, no tiene mucho valor artístico.

Finalmente, hay que exhumar también a los restos de las víctimas republicanas que fueron llevados allí sin consentimiento de sus familias (en el caso que se pueda y lo deseen) y convertir al valle de los caídos en un lugar destinado verdaderamente a la Memoria Histórica. El historiador de la universidad de Zaragoza Julián Casanova, lo resumió muy bien hace unos días cuando en el portal anatomiadelahistoria.com dijo sobre el valle de los caídos que “Hay que desacralizarlo, convertirlo en un lugar de la memoria de los crímenes del franquismo, explicado con rigor y separado de cualquier acto de apología de la dictadura”.

Personalmente creo que los restos del dictador terminarán por ser exhumados más tarde o más temprano. Un país que presuma de ser democrático no puede mantener como tal un lugar como es el valle de los caídos tal y como está ahora, un lugar donde se hace apología de un régimen que cometió crímenes contra la humanidad,  donde se despreciaban los derechos humanos y que nació fruto de un golpe de Estado y una guerra contra un régimen democrático.

A modo de epílogo, incluyo un par de enlaces para quien quiera saber cómo funcionaba el sistema de los campos de concentración durante la dictadura y el sistema de trabajos forzados que existió durante la misma (hasta 1970), ya que como he dicho antes, fueron presos políticos los que construyeron el valle de los caídos dentro del sistema de trabajos forzosos que había. Para el tema de los campos os invito a consultar el siguiente enlace: https://blogdehistoriaderafa.wordpress.com/2014/09/29/los-campos-de-concentracion-de-la-dictadura-de-franco/

Y para saber cómo funcionaba el sistema de trabajos forzados podéis hacer clic en el siguiente enlace: https://blogdehistoriaderafa.wordpress.com/2014/10/12/el-patronato-de-la-redencion-de-penas-por-el-trabajo-y-los-trabajos-forzados-en-la-dictadura/

Bibliografía:

-Gutmaro Gómez Bravo “Venganza tras la victoria: la política represiva del franquismo 1939-1948” (pags 575-591) en Ángel Viñas (ed) “En el combate por la Historia”  Pasado y Presente, Barcelona 2012

-Julián Casanova y Carlos Gil Andrés “Historia de España en el siglo XX”  Ariel Historia, Madrid 2009

-Rafael Torres “Los esclavos de Franco” Oberón, Madrid 2000

-Artículos de periódico y webs: Julián Casanova (anatomiadelahistoria.com), Emilio Silva y Fernando Berlín (radiocable.com) Juan Miguel Baquero, Francisco Espinosa y Carlos Hernández (eldiario.es), Leonor Mayor Ortega (lavanguardia.com), Alejandro Torrús y María Serrano (publico.es), The Financial Times Magazine, buscameenelciclodelavida.com, Javier Gallego (carnecruda.es), Fernando Castro Flórez (lasexta.com), Alfonso Ojea (cadenaser.com), wikipedia

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Una vista general del valle de los caídos. Fuente: wikipedia

III Aniversario/ III Anniversary

Pues resulta que hace 3 años que empecé con este blog, y aquí sigue. He intentado hacerlo de tal forma que tenga la mayor regularidad posible pero a veces (por oposiciones) he tenido que dilatar las entradas.

El objetivo era y sigue siendo difunde aspectos del período democrático de la República Española, así como otros relacionados con el golpe, la guerra, la dictadura y luego, el retorno de la democracia a nuestro país. Los  temas que he elegido y que están en diversas entradas a lo largo del blog (como por ejemplo los campos de concentración o los bebés robados) son todavía a día de hoy poco conocidos o han sufrido el peso del olvido o de la propaganda de la dictadura. Sorprende que a la altura de 2017 haya países en Europa y América que sepan más sobre la historia del siglo XX español que muchos de nosotros ni utilizan la equidistancia para justificar los regímenes totalitarios de entreguerras. Yo personalmente he descubierto cosas que no sabía hasta que me puse a investigar.

Espero que con este blog haya conseguido la idea de difundir precisamente esos aspectos más desconocidos de nuestra historia.

A modo de resumen breve, incluyo una lista de algunos de los temas que he tratado a los largo de estos 3 años y que pongo aquí por si alguien busca información sobre alguno de dichos temas:

  • El voto en España y Clara Campoamor.
  • La proclamación de la II República.
  • La evolución política de la II República.
  • La política educativa de la República Española así como las Misiones Pedagógicas.
  • Los campos de concentración de la dictadura de Franco, los trabajos forzados y la política represiva de la dictadura.
  • Las afinidades del régimen dictatorial español con los de Italia y Alemania y como tras 1945, se intentó esconder esa relación que hubo.
  • Las aproximadamente 2.500 fosas comunes (en las que se cree que hay más de 100.000 desaparecidos).
  • Los exiliados republicanos españoles en los campos de refugiados del sur de Francia, así como su participación en los ejércitos aliados durante la II Guerra Mundial (especialmente en los ejércitos francés y soviético).
  • La nueve, los republicanos españoles que liberaron París.
  • Pequeñas biografías como Norman Bethune, Francisco Boix, Agustín Centelles, Amado Granell o Elisabeth Eidenbenz y La Maternidad de Elna
  • Los bebés robados por la dictadura (y los esfuerzos de estas víctimas de las adopciones ilegales con el abogado Enrique Vila Torres entre otros por buscar a sus familias).
  • Varios acontecimientos ocurridos en Andalucía: la batalla de Lopera, el asedio al santuario de la Virgen de la Cabeza, el asesinato de Lorca o el bombardeo de Jaén.
  • La invasión del valle de Arán en octubre de 1944.
  • La Desbandá de Málaga en febrero de 1937 y el bombardeo los refugiados sufrieron a manos de barcos sublevados.
  • En respuesta a personas que creen que no, es legar exhibir la bandera de la República (y aquí lo dice bien claro http://www.eldiario.es/politica/Banderasrepublicanas-Hernando_0_169383485.html).

Para el futuro, me gustaría tratar otros temas que no he podido tratar hasta ahora, y, si puede ser, me gustaría colgar traducidas algunas de las entradas que he puesto hasta ahora pero en inglés.

Finalmente, y como son cosas que se han hecho hace poco, me gustaría incluir en esta entrada unos links sobre temas que he tratado en el blog y que creo que pueden ser interesantes por su actualidad:

Un saludo y seguimos en contacto. Cualquier cosas me podéis contactar a través del blog o el correo electrónico rlinderuiz@hotmail.com

Today is the third anniversary of this blog. Thank you all for reading it and to everyone who has provided me with documents and materials to share with the world. Thanks also for all your comments. I look forward to writing future blog posts and hearing from you.

If you have any ideas for blog posts, please get in touch with me at rlinderuiz@hotmail.com or in comments (in this blog).

Thank you for your continued support and here’s to the next years.